Pew Global Attitudes Project
Survey Reports
Released: 08.15.01
Introduction and Summary
George W. Bush is highly unpopular with the publics of the major nations of Western Europe. By wide margins, people in Germany, France, Great Britain and Italy all disapprove of his handling of international policy, and the American president does not inspire much more confidence in these countries than does Russian President Vladimir Putin.
More than seven-in-ten of those in each country say Bush makes decisions based entirely on U.S. interests, and most think he understands less about Europe than other American presidents. In that regard, Bush's foreign policy approval rating runs 40-60 percentage points below former President Bill Clinton's, when judged in retrospect.
These are the principal findings of a survey conducted by the Pew Research Center, in a unique partnership with the International Herald Tribune and in association with the Council on Foreign Relations. Nearly 4,000 adults in four major European nations were polled. Respondents in the four nations France, Germany, Italy and Great Britain were fairly consistent in their appraisals of Bush, and there were few notable differences among major demographic groups.
In addition to the European survey, a subset of questions was asked in a nationwide U.S. poll of 1,277 adults. This survey found a 45%-32% plurality approving of the way Bush is handling foreign policy, only slightly below his overall job approval rating (50%-32%).
At the same time, Americans on balance disapprove of Bush's decision to abandon the Kyoto Protocol to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (44%-29%). However, Americans were not nearly as opposed to this decision as Europeans, who disagree with Bush's stance by approximately an eight-to-one margin.
Some of Bush's positions win broad acceptance in Europe. Majorities in all four nations agree with his support of free trade, and Bush's decision to maintain U.S. forces in Kosovo is actually more popular with Europeans than it is with Americans. But on the issues that have stirred the most controversy on his recent visits to Europe Bush's rejection of the Kyoto pact and his vow to go ahead with a missile defense plan even if that means withdrawing from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty Europeans come down firmly against the president.
By better than eight-to-one (83%-10%), Germans disapprove of Bush's plan to develop a missile defense program if it means abandoning the ABM pact. The opposition to Bush's stance is nearly as large in France, Italy and Great Britain. Americans, who have consistently backed development of a missile defense system in principle, are evenly divided (42% opposed, 39% in favor) when the possibility of withdrawing from the ABM treaty is mentioned. (1)
Note (1): See "Modest Support for Missile Defense, No Panic on China," June 11, 2001.
Significantly, the sharp rejection of Bush and his key policies in Europe has not opened a more fundamental divide among the allies. If there is a bright light in the poll results for US-European relations, it is that most reject the idea that the U.S. and Europe are drifting apart. Only about one-in-five in all four countries see a broader rift developing, and sizable minorities in Germany (40%) and Italy (34%) see a growing coalescence of U.S. and European interests.
Little Confidence
Not only do most Europeans oppose key elements of Bush's foreign policy, they express little confidence in the president. Indeed, only 20% of the French respondents and somewhat higher proportions of British (30%) and Italians (33%) say they have even a fair amount of confidence in Bush's handling of world affairs. Germans, who tend to express more confidence in all the leaders tested, give Bush better marks, with about half (51%) voicing at least some confidence in his abilities.
Surprisingly, Europeans express only slightly more confidence in Bush than they do in Putin. Just 14% of the French and about a quarter of the Italians and British (23% and 26%, respectively) voice much confidence in the Russian leader, as do 41% of the Germans. Understandably, Europeans have much more confidence in their own national leaders than in either the Russian or American leader. The confidence ratings range from a high of 78% in Germany for Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder to 53% in Italy for Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi.
Policy Divide
Clearly, the deep policy differences between the Bush administration and Europe are a major factor in the lack of confidence Europeans express in the president. And Bush's decision to abandon the Kyoto protocol draws the most intense opposition among Europeans. Just one-in-ten British, French and Germans, and 12% of Italians, back Bush's decision.
There is more division over this issue in the United States. Although a 44% plurality opposes Bush's policy, many more Americans than Europeans (29%) back the president on this issue. Underscoring the higher level of interest in the Kyoto matter in Europe than the United States, relatively few respondents in Europe declined to answer this question; better than one-quarter of Americans had no opinion or declined to respond.
Europeans are somewhat less opposed to Bush's stance on missile defense and the ABM treaty. Only 10% of Germans and 14% of the French back Bush, while slightly more people support the president's position in Great Britain (20%) and Italy (24%). Americans are evenly divided, with 39% in favor of the president's position and 42% opposed.
Bush's policies on the Balkans and free trade win broad favor among the Europeans. Publics in all four European nations strongly back Bush's decision to maintain U.S. troops in the multinational peacekeeping forces in Bosnia and Kosovo, with the policy drawing weakest support in Italy (54% approve 33% disapprove). Americans also support this policy, but by a relatively narrow margin (47%-38%).
Bush's backing for free trade is also popular, with about two-thirds of the British and German respondents supporting the president on this matter. The Italians and French are less supportive, with fewer than six-in-ten approving of Bush's approach on trade.
While the president's support for the death penalty in the United States was roundly criticized during his recent visits to Europe, he finds modest support for his position in Great Britain. There is broad opposition to the death penalty in France, Germany and Italy, but the British are split over Bush's backing of capital punishment.
Still Much in Common
A solid majority of Europeans believe that, whatever their view of Bush, the United States and Europe have not grown apart in recent years. Germans and Italians were most likely to see more common ground among the allies, but even among the British and French fewer than a quarter (24% and 20% respectively) believe differences between the United States and Europe have widened.
Those who see trans-Atlantic differences as increasing do not attribute the rift to any single factor. Rather, solid majorities in this group point to the growing power of the European Union, the resentment stirred by U.S. multinationals, the lack of a common security threat, and differences over culture as reasons for a growing gap between the United States and Europe.
Commentary by Morton H. Halperin, Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations
Commentary by Morton H. Halperin, Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations
What the Poll Means
The poll released today by the Pew Research Center, the International Herald Tribune, and the Council on Foreign Relations removes any doubt that large majorities in the major nations of Western Europe have concerns about President George W. Bush's policies.
Respondents in Great Britain, France, Italy and Germany do not express knee-jerk opposition to all the policies of the Bush administration. They applaud Bush's support for free trade and his willingness to keep American troops in Bosnia and Kosovo, reversing a campaign promise to begin taking those troops out. However, echoing the views of their governments, they express concern about his overall approach as well as his positions on National Missile Defense (NMD), the Kyoto Protocol and the death penalty.
The poll results on National Missile Defense may pose the greatest challenge for the Bush administration. European publics may or may not favor the principle of missile defense, but overwhelming majorities disapprove of a deployment that requires withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty. More than seven-in-ten German and French respondents and about two-thirds of the Italian and British respondents share this view. This means that European governments are unlikely to yield to administration pressure to go ahead with a missile defense system if it leads to terminating the ABM Treaty. And it suggests that, if any of these governments do go along, the long dormant European anti-nuclear movement might come to life with a vengeance.
Missile defense deployment is the quintessential post-Cold war issue because, as powerful and as rich as the United States is, it simply cannot proceed on its own. An effective layered national missile defense of the kind favored by the administration will require the cooperation of many other countries in providing bases for radar and intelligence-gathering systems, as well as for the deployment of anti-missile launchers or the support for ship-based systems. Moreover, the cooperation of other countries, including Russia and China, is necessary if states such as North Korea, Iraq, and Iran are to be prevented from developing relatively simple decoys which would neutralize any small missile defense system.
This may help explain why Bush administration officials who favor giving early notice to Russia that the United States is withdrawing from the ABM Treaty have not yet prevailed. Those who give priority to negotiating an agreement with Russian President Vladimir Putin should have their hands strengthened by these poll results, which suggest serious difficulties for U.S.-European relations, and for an effective anti-missile deployment, if the administration is seen as cavalierly rejecting the treaty.
These problems can only be overcome by reaching agreement with Russia both on substantially lower levels of nuclear warheads and on amendments to the ABM treaty which permit the deployment of a modest NMD against potential small missile threats.
Global warming also poses a serious challenge for the Bush administration. The majorities concerned about the American policy in this area are even larger than on missile defense, and nothing can be accomplished without the cooperation of other states. To reduce tensions over the Kyoto Protocol, the Bush administration will have to fulfill its commitment to present a proposal on global warming at the next international meeting. Proponents of this position within the administration should also be strengthened by this poll, which leaves no doubt that a continuing rift over this issue will have a profound impact on the overall relationship between the United States and Europe.
Criticism of Bush's support for the death penalty are the least problematic for the administration. Disapproval ratings are somewhat lower than for Bush's stance on missile defense and Kyoto. Moreover, this is purely a domestic issue that has only symbolic importance for U.S.-European relations.
If one steps back from the most dramatic results of this poll, there are numbers which point the way to effective U.S.-European cooperation in solving major global problems. The European publics polled are unhappy with George W. Bush because they believe, in overwhelming numbers, that he makes decisions based only on U.S. interests and that he does not understand Europe or take its views into account.
That is the bad news. But the good news is that Europeans do not believe their interests and those of the United States are drifting apart. Moreover, American and European publics agree in their support of some Bush administration positions (free trade and Balkan policy) and a plurality of U.S. respondents also reject Bush's policy on the Kyoto pact.
Anyone who believes in the importance of U.S.-European relations can only hope that the Bush administration will take these poll results to heart and return to the principle articulated by the president during last fall's campaign that the United States can accomplish its goals in the world only if it takes into account the interests of others. If it does, the administration can attract broad public support for policies on global warming, missile defense and other issues which advance the interests of people living on both sides of the Atlantic. If it does not, the poll results being released today suggest that we might well be facing a serious deterioration in trans-Atlantic relations which cannot be ameliorated by traditional diplomacy.
Morton H. Halperin is a senior fellow of the Council on Foreign Relations. He served in the Johnson, Nixon and Clinton administrations, most recently as Director of the Policy Planning Staff in the State Department.
Methodology
Results for the survey are based on telephone interviews conducted under the direction of Princeton Survey Research Associates among a nationwide, representative sample of 967 adults, 18 years of age or older, in France, 944 adults in Germany, 1000 adults in Italy, 1000 in Britain and 1277 adults in the U.S. The fieldwork was conducted by Taylor Nelson Sofres in France between August 2 and 7, Emnid in Germany between August 6 and 7, Pragma in Italy between August 6 and 9, NOP in Britain between August 1 and 6, and Princeton Data Source in the U.S. between August 2 and 8. For results based on the total sample in each of the five countries, one can say with 95% confidence that the error attributable to sampling and other random effects is plus or minus 3.5 percentage points for each of the European countries, plus or minus 3 percentage points for the United States.
In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.
Questionnaire
PEW RESEARCH CENTER FOR THE PEOPLE AND THE PRESS
BUSH INTERNATIONAL POLL
- FINAL TOPLINE -
United States -- August 2-8, 2001 (N=1277)
Britain -- August 1-6, 2001 (N=1000)
Italy -- August 6-9, 2001 (N=1000)
Germany -- August 6-7, 2001 (N=944)
France -- August 2-7, 2001 (N=967)
Q.1 Do you approve or disapprove of the way George W. Bush is handling his job as President? [1]
US
50 Approve
32 Disapprove
18 Don’t know/Refused
100
Q.2 Do you approve or disapprove of the way [American President]
George W. Bush is handling International policy? [2]
US [3] BRIT ITA GER FRA
45 17 29 23 16 Approve
32 49 46 65 59 Disapprove
23 34 25 12 25 Don’t know/Refused
100 100 100 100 100
Q.3 Thinking back to past [American] President Bill Clinton,
did you approve or disapprove of his international policies?
BRIT ITA GER FRA
66 71 86 68 Approve
15 16 9 15 Disapprove
19 13 5 17 Don’t know/Refused
100 100 100 100
Q.4 As I read some specific policies of [American] President George W. Bush
tell me if you approve or disapprove of them.
List items were rotated
Approve Disapprove Don’t know/Refused
a. Bush’s decision that the U.S. should not support the Kyoto protocol to reduce
greenhouse gas emissions
US 29 44 27=100
BRIT 10 83 7=100
ITA 12 80 8=100
GER 10 87 3=100
FRA 10 85 5=100
b. Bush’s decision that the U.S. should try to develop a missile defense system
even if it means withdrawing from the ABM treaty
US 39 42 19=100
BRIT 20 66 14=100
ITA 24 65 11=100
GER 10 83 7=100
FRA 14 75 11=100
c. Bush’s support for the death penalty in the U.S.
BRIT 47 44 9=100
ITA 22 73 5=100
GER 28 68 4=100
FRA 29 67 4=100
d. Bush’s decision to keep U.S. troops in Bosnia and Kosovo
US 47 38 15=100
BRIT 64 22 14=100
ITA 54 33 13=100
GER 62 32 6=100
FRA 57 32 11=100
e. Bush’s support for free trade policies
BRIT 66 15 19=100
ITA 58 23 19=100
GER 67 19 14=100
FRA 53 35 12=100
Q.5a As I read a pair of phrases, tell me which one better describes George W. Bush.
Responses were rotated
BRIT ITA GER FRA
13 18 13 12 He understands Europe better than other American presidents
75 53 75 74 He understands less about Europe than other American presidents
12 29 12 14 Don’t know/Refused
100 100 100 100
Q.5b Again, which one better describes George W. Bush.
Responses were rotated
BRIT ITA GER FRA
79 74 73 85 He makes decisions based entirely on U.S. interests
14 15 18 8 He takes into account European interests when making decisions
7 11 9 7 Don’t know/Refused
100 100 100 100
Q.6 I’m going to read a list of political leaders. For each, tell me how much confidence
you have in each leader to do the right thing regarding world affairs.
List items were rotated
Great deal Fair amount Not too much None at all Don’t know/ Refused
a. Russian president Vladimir Putin
BRIT 1 25 35 22 17=100
ITA 2 21 36 13 28=100
GER 4 37 31 24 4=100
FRA 2 12 39 38 9=100
b. US president George W. Bush
BRIT 4 26 36 28 6=100
ITA 3 30 43 16 8=100
GER 3 48 27 19 3=100
FRA 2 18 43 32 5=100
c. Prime Minister/Chancellor/President of country
BRIT (Blair) 14 46 23 16 1=100
ITA (Berlusconi) 19 34 22 20 5=100
GER (schroeder) 21 57 14 7 1=100
FRA (chirac) 16 50 23 9 2=100
Q.7 Aside from your opinion of George W. Bush, in recent years, have the basic
interests of Europe and the U.S. grown closer, further apart or have they remained about the same?
BRIT ITA GER FRA
13 34 40 19 Grown closer
24 14 17 20 Grown further apart
57 45 38 55 Stayed same
6 7 5 6 Don’t know/Refused
100 100 100 100
Q.8 As I read from a list, tell me whether or not you think this is an important
factor in Europe and the U.S. growing further apart?
List items were rotated
BASED ON THOSE WHO SAY BASIC INTERESTS OF EUROPE AND THE U.S. HAVE GROWN FURTHER APART:
Important factor Not important factor Don’t know/ Refused
a. Europeans and Americans need each other less for security reasons since the end of the Cold War
BRIT 67 28 5=100 (n=243)
ITA 63 27 10=100 (n=141)
GER 77 22 1=100 (n=187)
FRA 75 21 4=100 (n=190)
b. The growing power of the European Union
BRIT 76 19 5=100 (n=243)
ITA 76 17 7=100 (n=141)
GER 71 27 2=100 (n=187)
FRA 85 13 2=100 (n=190)
c. American multi national corporations are creating resentment in Europe
BRIT 68 27 5=100 (n=243)
ITA 73 15 12=100 (n=141)
GER 68 30 2=100 (n=187)
FRA 81 15 4=100 (n=190)
d. Europeans and Americans have increasingly different social and cultural values these days
BRIT 62 37 1=100 (n=243)
ITA 75 19 6=100 (n=141)
GER 68 26 6=100 (n=187)
FRA 77 20 3=100 (n=190)